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John Major says that a national government may be necessary quite soon, probably after the next (inconclusive) general election. I beg to disagree. It is needed right now, because this

full-blown, once-in-several-centuries political and constitutional crisis is close to spiralling completely out of control. The cabinet has lost all semblance of discipline, and our party

system is broken beyond repair. Theresa May’s desperate last minute attempt to save her deal with cross-party talks, and her first appeal for “national unity to deliver the national

interest” is too little, too late.  She has form when it comes to can-kicking – things usually unravel fast. Neither the Tory party nor the electorate will tolerate a panic-driven pivot to

an ultra-soft Brexit. Humiliation, despair, rising anger and division are to be found at levels that have not been seen for decades. We must arrest this crisis and prevent any further

downward spiral. It is time for a calm, radical crisis-response to stabilise a situation which otherwise could well lead to civil strife. We need a national unity government, led by Michael

Gove and Yvette Cooper, which takes the heat out of Brexit by pivoting to an EFTA Brexit – a compromise, stepping stone sanctuary – in order to focus on the really important issues

threatening our security and prosperity. We need crisis-proof grip and leadership.  This will not come from either of our broken major parties. Neither has got the talent pool to command

confidence and respect. Alone, neither can deliver competent policies that produce a prospering and fair society at peace with itself. Sir John Major is pinning his first hope on a resurgent

Tory government under new leadership. Yet I very much doubt there is any chance that Boris Johnson, Amber Rudd, Jeremy Hunt or Penny Mordaunt (or Labour party variations for that matter)

will do it for our utterly frustrated and increasingly angry electorate. If we are to heal and come together, it is essential that the parties work together.  Why Gove and Cooper? What is

the evidence that they are up to the job? Anthony Seldon reminds us that great leaders emerge from crises, and that Churchill was far from remarkable until he became PM. Gove and Cooper have

brains, vision, and leadership and communication skills – and could do an infinitely better job, I believe, than the other alternatives on offer. They are highly respected centre-ground

parliamentarians with proven records in senior positions. We need a Brexiteer in charge of this next phase. Gove ticks that box. He has also recently demonstrated his nation and cross-party

reach at the despatch box. Furthermore, he has bags of vision and courage, and a touch of Machiavellian instinct which we may need. Cooper has a strong ministerial and select committee

record and, of course, judgement and integrity, which led her to distance herself from Corbyn-Momentum Labour. Neither Gove nor Cooper is a party leader, but there is no constitutional

stricture that restricts the monarch’s choice of leader. And we are in unprecedentedly complex and different times which warrant wide selection criteria. Leadership in the Army is very

different to leadership in politics. It is with reluctance that I touch on it, but I do so because it is instructive. Brexit and our current deeper national crisis are not war, of course.

But Brexit, like war, is wickedly complex and requires a united team effort akin to that needed to win battles. Many non-military organisations routinely ‘audit’ their strategies and

performance against the British 10 principles of war. Let us briefly examine this government’s approach to Brexit against just the first 3 principles. SELECTION AND MAINTENANCE OF THE AIM –

A SINGLE, UNAMBIGUOUS AIM IS THE KEYSTONE OF SUCCESSFUL MILITARY OPERATIONS; THIS IS THE MASTER PRINCIPLE. The right aim was never selected from the outset, nor later once it was clear

things were going badly wrong. Instead of ‘Brexit means a single party Brexit’, we should have gone the extra mile, at the outset, in countless citizen assemblies across all regions and

sectors of the economy before triggering Article 50. We could then with credibility have stated our aim: ‘to deliver a nationally-endorsed Brexit that safeguards our national interests and

prosperity and healthy strategic partnership with the EU’. MAINTENANCE OF MORALE – A POSITIVE STATE OF MIND DERIVED FROM INSPIRED POLITICAL AND MILITARY LEADERSHIP, A SHARED SENSE OF PURPOSE

AND VALUES, WELL-BEING, PERCEPTIONS OF WORTH AND GROUP COHESION. It was never going to be easy. Nevertheless, this government has set a new standard in how NOT to deliver positive morale

precisely when it was most needed. OFFENSIVE ACTION – THE PRACTICAL WAY IN WHICH A COMMANDER SEEKS TO GAIN ADVANTAGE, SUSTAIN MOMENTUM AND SEIZE THE INITIATIVE. I struggle to think how we

have come close to having achieved any of these. Suggestions on a postcard, please. Brexit has so often been described as the biggest peacetime challenge. Yet we utterly failed to step up

and think, plan and prepare smartly.  If we are to rise to this mother and father of crises at this last minute, and if we are to prevent far worse things from happening, now – not in six

months time, Sir John Major – is the time to mobilise a national unity government. We might then have a chance against the extremists and thugs who are racing to fill the vacuum caused by

our adverserial two party system, which is no longer fit for purpose.